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PoliStack · Bill Intelligence — June 25, 2026

H.R. 6509 — SAFE Drugs Act of 2025

Amending the Federal Food, Drug & Cosmetic Act to further regulate compounding pharmacies and outsourcing facilities · 119th Congress
Rudy Yakym
Sponsor: Rep. Rudy Yakym (R-IN-2)Introduced: Dec 9, 2025Status: Referred — Energy & CommerceBipartisan: 16 cosponsors (13 R / 3 D)

Executive Summary30-second read

H.R. 6509, the Safeguarding Americans from Fraudulent and Experimental Drugs (SAFE Drugs) Act of 2025, amends the Federal Food, Drug & Cosmetic Act to tighten oversight of drug compounding and to set statutory limits on compounded drugs that are essentially copies of commercially available products. Rep. Rudy Yakym (R-IN-2) introduced it on December 9, 2025 with Democratic co-lead Rep. André Carson (D-IN-7) and 16 cosponsors. It was referred to House Energy & Commerce.

The bill raises the cap on copies of a commercially available drug a pharmacist or physician may compound to 20 per month (current FDA policy allows four), while imposing new annual reporting on physicians, facilities, and pharmacies that compound for out-of-state patients above that threshold, and subjecting large-scale outsourcing facilities to regular inspection. It is a targeted oversight measure, not a wholesale rewrite of the 2013 compounding framework.

The structural signal is the constraint. Every one of the nine semantically comparable drug-safety bills in the PoliStack graph — across both parties and both chambers, including one sponsored by an “exceptional” legislator (LII 93.3) — died in committee. The sponsor does not sit on Energy & Commerce. PoliStack models the most viable path as attachment to a must-pass E&C health vehicle (~60%), with standalone enactment at ~40%.

Overview

Cosponsors
16
Bipartisan · 13 R / 3 D
Sponsor LII (118th)
33.0
Low activity
Sponsor on committee?
No
Energy & Commerce
Similar bills enacted
0 / 9
All died in committee
Health-sector $ to signers
~$811K
All cycles on file
E&C reauth path
~60%
Most viable

What the bill does

  • Defines a compounded drug as “essentially a copy” of a commercial product when it contains any active ingredient in that product and no patient-specific change makes it significantly different — a broader test than the FDA’s current definition, which also weighs dosage strength and route of administration.
  • Raises the permitted frequency for compounding such copies to 20 times per month (current FDA policy allows four), while attaching conditions to that higher ceiling.
  • Imposes annual reporting on physicians, facilities, and pharmacies (except hospital-based pharmacies) that compound copies for out-of-state patients more than 20 times a month.
  • Subjects large-scale outsourcing facilities (FDA-registered 503B facilities that compound in bulk) to regular inspection and reporting requirements.
  • Policy area: Health; sole referral to House Energy & Commerce. No CRS report auto-matched in the graph.

Current status

DEC 9, 2025
Introduced in the House
Rep. Rudy Yakym (R-IN-2) introduces H.R. 6509 with Democratic co-lead Rep. André Carson (D-IN-7) — a same-state, cross-aisle Indiana pairing — and 16 cosponsors in total.
DEC 9, 2025
Referred to House Energy & Commerce
Sole referral to the Energy & Commerce Committee, which holds Food, Drug & Cosmetic Act jurisdiction. The sponsor sits on Ways & Means — not on the committee that decides the bill's fate.
NEXT MILESTONE
Subcommittee markup or a must-pass vehicle
Every one of the nine semantically comparable drug-safety bills in the graph died in committee. The practical path runs through attachment to must-pass Energy & Commerce health legislation.

Sponsor & Cosponsors

Rudy Yakym
Rep. Rudy Yakym III
Republican · IN-2 · Sponsor
House Ways & Means
Party loyalty: 98.8%
Participation: 99.4%
Victory margin: 28.1%
Threat level: Uncontested
Rep. Yakym — 119th Congress bills by status (29 sponsored)
Advancement rate 6.9% (27 of 29 bills still in committee) and an 118th-Congress Legislative Impact Index of 33.0 (low activity). Yakym sits on Ways & Means, not on Energy & Commerce — so he has no inside leverage over the committee that controls this bill.
André Carson
Rep. André Carson
Democrat · IN-7 · Co-lead
Same-state Indiana cross-aisle pairing
Party loyalty: 98.8%
Participation: 97.4%
Victory margin: 39.4%
Ideology: Liberal
Caucuses: Congressional Progressive Caucus, Equality Caucus, New Democrat Coalition.
A safe-seat Democrat co-leading a Republican’s drug-safety bill gives the introduction a credible bipartisan signal — the kind of cross-aisle pairing that survives conference when provisions ride a larger vehicle.
Indiana cluster. Six of the seventeen signers are from the Indiana delegation: Yakym (IN-2), Carson (IN-7), Houchin (IN-9), Messmer (IN-8), Shreve (IN-6), Baird (IN-4). A home-state bloc this size is a strong whip-network base but does little to move the bill inside Energy & Commerce.
Caucus signal — a center-out coalition. The signers cluster in the pragmatic middle of both parties. 10 of the 13 Republican cosponsors belong to the Republican Main Street Caucus, the governance-minded, business- friendly GOP bloc (several also in the Republican Governance Group or Problem Solvers), and all three Democrats sit in the New Democrat Coalition, the party’s moderate wing. Tellingly, not one signer is in the House Freedom Caucus — the deregulatory bloc that tends to resist new FDA inspection mandates stays off the bill. A center-out coalition like this travels well attached to a bipartisan vehicle, but it rarely supplies the partisan urgency that forces a standalone markup.

Committee gatekeepers — House Energy & Commerce

Chair
Rep. Brett Guthrie (R-KY)
118th LII: 75.8 (Highly effective) — controls the markup calendar
Ranking Member
Rep. Frank Pallone (D-NJ)
118th LII: 88.5 (Highly effective) — owns the Democratic drug-safety agenda

Full cosponsor roster

CosponsorDistrictLoyaltyMarginIdeologyCaucuses
Ross, Deborah K.D-NC-299.1%34.6%LiberalNew Dem, Equality, CAPAC
Bean, AaronR-FL-493.1%14.5%Very ConservativeMain Street, RSC
Edwards, ChuckR-NC-1193.9%13.5%ConservativeMain Street, Gov. Group, Problem Solvers
Fong, VinceR-CA-2096.3%4.5%ConservativeMain Street
Houchin, ErinR-IN-998.0%31.7%Very ConservativeMain Street
Moran, NathanielR-TX-199.1%100.0%Very ConservativeMain Street
Messmer, Mark B.R-IN-898.5%38.5%Very ConservativeMain Street, Gov. Group
Shreve, JeffersonR-IN-699.1%32.2%ConservativeMain Street
McDowell, Addison P.R-NC-696.2%38.3%Very Conservative
McGuire, John J., IIIR-VA-592.8%Very ConservativeMain Street
Vindman, Eugene SimonD-VA-792.5%2.6%Lean LiberalNew Dem, Equality
Carson, AndréD-IN-798.8%39.4%LiberalNew Dem, Progressive, Equality
Kelly, MikeR-PA-1697.7%27.3%Conservative
Tenney, ClaudiaR-NY-2498.5%23.3%ConservativeRSC
Baird, JamesR-IN-496.9%33.9%ConservativeMain Street
Miller, CarolR-WV-198.2%40.2%Very ConservativeMain Street

Legislative Lineage9 prior bills

Drug-safety and compounding-oversight bills have been introduced repeatedly since the 117th Congress. The closest semantic cousin is S. 3794 — a same-named SAFE Drugs Act of 2026 from Sen. Jim Banks (R-IN), at 0.88 similarity — which functions as a de facto Senate companion. The pattern across the whole cluster is uniform: every bill was referred to committee, and every one died there.

Failure rate: 100% (9 of 9). None of the semantically-similar bills reached a floor vote in either chamber. Rep. Andy Kim introduced the same idea twice (117th & 118th). One sponsor in the set, Rep. “Buddy” Carter, carried an exceptional Legislative Impact Index of 93.3 — and still could not move his bill. When an exceptional legislator fails, the policy area itself is the barrier.

Prior art — semantically similar bills

BillTitleCong.SponsorOutcomeSim.
S. 3794SAFE Drugs Act of 2026119Banks, Jim (R-IN)Died in committee0.88
H.R. 7980Protecting Americans from Unsafe Drugs Act of 2026119Dexter, Maxine (D-OR)Died in committee0.84
H.R. 2471Right Drug Dose Now Act of 2025119Swalwell, Eric (D-CA)Died in committee0.83
S. 3122Better FDA Act of 2025119Marshall, Roger (R-KS)Died in committee0.83
H.R. 3595Safe Prescribing Through Reporting Act of 2025119Kennedy, Mike (R-UT)Died in committee0.83
H.R. 2500Protecting Americans from Unsafe Drugs Act of 2023118Kim, Andy (D-NJ)Died in committee0.83
H.R. 6545Protecting Americans from Unsafe Drugs Act of 2022117Kim, Andy (D-NJ)Died in committee0.83
H.R. 8931Improving Access to Safe Medicines Act of 2022117Carter, Earl L. "Buddy" (R-GA)Died in committee0.83
H.R. 7499Firearm Safety Act of 2025119Kelly, Robin L. (D-IL)Died in committee0.83
Neighbors ranked by cosine similarity over bill-summary embeddings. The Firearm Safety Act (H.R. 7499) is a semantic match on “Safety… Act” structure, not subject matter — a reminder that similarity is a lead, not a label.

What the pattern tells us

  • The policy idea is bipartisan and recurring — sponsored by Republicans and Democrats, in both chambers, across three Congresses.
  • It is also institutionally stuck. Without a forcing mechanism (a must-pass attachment, an FDA user-fee reauthorization, or an unusual leadership ally), compounding-oversight bills do not advance.
  • A Senate companion already exists in S. 3794 — so the two-chamber scaffolding that conference attachment requires is partly in place.

Stakeholders & MoneyForward-looking

No LDA filing yet names H.R. 6509 — normal for a bill this new, since disclosures lag about a quarter and most registrants never cite a bill number. The organizations below are inferred from who lobbied semantically similar bills. Treat them as a watchlist, not a confirmed roster.

Likely-stakeholder signal — cyan = lead, purple = industry, green = patient advocacy
Why generics lead the signal
  • Association for Accessible Medicines — the generic and biosimilar trade group — dominates the signal by a factor of four. Compounded copies of commercially available drugs compete directly with FDA-approved generics, so tightening the copy rules protects that market.
  • Brand pharma & distribution (Novartis, Viatris, Cencora, BIO) share the interest: approved products — brand and generic alike — are undercut by low-cost compounded versions.
  • Patient-safety advocates (Patients Rising Now, Partnership for Safe Medicines) supply the public-health framing the bill’s title leans on.

Predicted stakeholders — full table

StakeholderSectorSimilar-bill signalTop issue codes
Association for Accessible MedicinesGeneric & biosimilar trade association12 similar bills (signal 9.66)HCR · PHA · MMM
Viatris Inc.Generic / specialty pharma3 similar bills (signal 2.41)HCR · CPT · BUD · TRD · PHA · FIN
Cencora, Inc.Pharmaceutical distribution3 similar bills (signal 2.40)HCR · TAX · PHA · MMM · DEF · AGR
National Community Pharmacists Assn.Independent pharmacies2 similar bills (signal 1.63)MMM · PHA · ALC · TAX · DEF · LBR
Biotechnology Innovation OrganizationBiotech trade association2 similar bills (signal 1.61)HCR · PHA
NovartisBrand pharmaceutical manufacturer2 similar bills (signal 1.61)HCR · MMM · TRD · TAX · BUD · CPT
Patients Rising NowPatient advocacy2 similar bills (signal 1.61)HCR · PHA
Partnership for Safe MedicinesDrug-safety advocacy2 similar bills (signal 1.61)PHA

Issue-matched stakeholders — who actually lobbies this topic

A stronger, direct-evidence cut: rather than inferring a coalition from similar bills, this filters the lobbying record for entities whose own disclosed issues name drug compounding, 503B outsourcing facilities, or the Drug Quality & Security Act. The matches are subject-level, not bill-number-level — but they identify the players already working this exact space. The list spans both sides of the bill: the approved-product makers whose drugs compounded copies compete with (purple), and the compounding-pharmacy and 503B-outsourcing industry the bill would directly regulate (amber).

EntityTypeLatestDisclosed compounding focus
Novo Nordisk · closest matchBrand makerBrand pharma manufacturer2026“General Compounding” filed alongside obesity / GLP-1 — maker of Wegovy & Ozempic
Eli Lilly & CompanyBrand makerBrand pharma manufacturer2026“Compounding” filed beside its GLP-1 franchise — maker of Mounjaro & Zepbound
Alliance for Pharmacy CompoundingCompounderCompounding-pharmacy trade group2026The single most active filer on compounding issues — the regulated side of the bill
Outsourcing Facilities AssociationCompounder503B outsourcing trade group2026Trade group for the 503B facilities the bill subjects to regular inspection
Hims & Hers HealthCompounderTelehealth pharmacy2026Seller of compounded semaglutide — the commercial model a 20-per-month cap would constrain
Pharmaceutical Research & Manufacturers of America (PhRMA)Brand makerBrand pharma association2026Drug-safety and FDA portfolio; pharmacy issue codes (HCR, MMM)
National Association of ManufacturersCross-industry association2026“Compounding” listed with FDA resourcing and drug pricing
American Hospital AssociationHospitals2025Medicare / Medicaid pharmaceutical provisions
Cencora (AmerisourceBergen)Pharmaceutical distributor2023Drug Quality & Security Act / prescription-drug safety
NovartisBrand makerBrand pharma manufacturer2018Compounding-adjacent FDA and reimbursement issues
ZoetisAnimal health2019Veterinary drug compounding; Animal Drug User Fee Act
Plus law & lobbying firms disclosing compounding work for undisclosed clients: Akin Gump (25 filings — Section 503B, the Drug Quality & Security Act, and the Preserving Patient Access to Compounded Medications Act), Capitol Counsel (2026), The Nickles Group (2026, “compounding and counterfeit drugs”), Venable (2026), Foley & Lardner (2025), Faegre Drinker, Ballard Spahr, and Covington & Burling.
The GLP-1 driver. The most on-point matches cluster around GLP-1 drugs. Novo Nordisk (Wegovy, Ozempic) and Eli Lilly (Mounjaro, Zepbound) both lobby “compounding” right beside their obesity agendas through 2026, while Hims & Hers — which sells compounded semaglutide — and the compounding trade groups (Alliance for Pharmacy Compounding, Outsourcing Facilities Association) file from the other side. Compounded copies of semaglutide are precisely what the bill’s “essentially a copy” test and 20-per-month cap target, putting the brand makers and the compounders in direct opposition over this exact provision.
Refining the inferred ranking. The Association for Accessible Medicines topped the similarity-inferred coalition above, yet it does not surface in the direct compounding-issue record or recent pharmacy-coded filings. Read the two tables together: the semantic model points to the generics lobby by analogy, but the disclosed-issue evidence points to the GLP-1 brand makers (Novo Nordisk, Eli Lilly, PhRMA) and the compounding industry itself actually engaged on the topic today.

Follow the money — health-sector dollars to the signers

Tracing the campaign-finance graph backward from each signer’s committee surfaces a second, concrete signal. The bill’s 17 sponsors and cosponsors have together taken roughly $811,000 in disclosed health-sector contributions — pharma manufacturers, distributors, insurers, and hospital groups — across all cycles on file. The sponsor himself sits mid-pack at ~$59K.

Disclosed health-sector contributions by signer (all cycles on file)
SignerSeatHealth $
Kelly, MikeR-PA-16$205,000
Tenney, ClaudiaR-NY-24$87,750
Miller, CarolR-WV-1$80,000
Bean, AaronR-FL-4$65,000
Ross, Deborah K.D-NC-2$62,500
Yakym, Rudy · sponsorR-IN-2$59,300
Carson, AndréD-IN-7$56,000
Moran, NathanielR-TX-1$44,500
Houchin, ErinR-IN-9$42,000
Fong, VinceR-CA-20$39,250
Baird, JamesR-IN-4$15,500
McDowell, Addison P.R-NC-6$15,000
Shreve, JeffersonR-IN-6$13,500
Messmer, Mark B.R-IN-8$10,000
Edwards, ChuckR-NC-11$8,000
Vindman, Eugene SimonD-VA-7$7,500
Cosponsor Mike Kelly (R-PA-16) is the outlier at ~$205K, drawing from Pfizer, Amgen, Cencora, Novartis, PhRMA, and major insurers. The money is sector-wide, not bill-specific — it reflects each member’s standing relationships with health interests, and is best read as context for who already has the industry’s ear, not as payment for this bill.
Method: similarity-weighted recurrence across the bill’s top semantic neighbors (cosine ≥ 0.77, on ≥ 2 neighbor bills) for the coalition; health-sector dollars summed from lobbyist-bundled contribution edges to each signer’s campaign committee in the PoliStack political knowledge graph. Ranked leads and directional totals — not evidence of intent on H.R. 6509.

Passage Outlook

The scenarios overlap because the paths are not mutually exclusive — a provision can ride a reauthorization even as the standalone bill stalls. PoliStack models attachment to a must-pass Energy & Commerce health vehicle as the single most viable route.

Modeled passage scenarios
Key factors
Bipartisan support (16 cosponsors)Positive · High
Majority-party sponsorPositive · High
Senate companion exists (S. 3794)Positive
Sponsor on committee of referralNegative
Historical base rate (similar bills)0 / 9 enacted
Structural barrier (LII-93 sponsor failed)Critical

Bipartisan bridges — Energy & Commerce Democrats to target

To make it onto a markup or into a reauthorization without being stripped, the bill needs visible Democratic support on the committee. The members below sit on Energy & Commerce or in winnable seats where a drug-safety vote is politically defensible — eight of the ten belong to the New Democrat Coalition, the same moderate bloc all three Democratic cosponsors already sit in, which makes it the most natural channel to widen Democratic support; several are also in Problem Solvers or Climate Solutions, and two (Schrier, Ruiz) are physicians.

MemberDistrictMarginCaucusesRationale
Schrier, KimWA-88.2%Climate Solutions, New DemocratLean — physician by training
Landsman, GregOH-19.2%New Democrat, Problem SolversLean — somewhat safe
Ruiz, RaulCA-2512.5%New DemocratSafe — physician by training
Soto, Darren M.FL-912.6%New Democrat, Problem SolversSafe — unlikely to lose
Fletcher, ElizabethTX-722.6%New DemocratUncontested — zero threat
Dingell, DebbieMI-627.0%Problem SolversUncontested — E&C veteran
Peters, ScottCA-5028.6%Climate Solutions, New DemocratUncontested — zero threat
McClellan, JenniferVA-434.9%New DemocratUncontested — zero threat
Schakowsky, Janice D.IL-936.8%Climate SolutionsUncontested — E&C senior member
Veasey, MarcTX-3337.6%New DemocratUncontested — zero threat

What would meaningfully move the odds

  • Cosponsorship from a sitting Energy & Commerce member — the single most reliable unlock for a markup.
  • Pairing with the existing Senate companion (S. 3794) to present a two-chamber package ahead of any FDA user-fee or health-extenders vehicle.
  • A signal from Chair Guthrie or the health subcommittee that the copy-limit and outsourcing-inspection provisions are markup-eligible.
  • FDA or sponsor agreement to reconcile the bill’s “essentially a copy” test with the agency’s existing definition, removing the clearest drafting objection.

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Sources: Congress.gov live bill status, official bill summary & member profiles (Library of Congress); Center for Effective Lawmaking (Volden & Wiseman) Legislative Effectiveness Scores via thelawmakers.org; Voteview DW-NOMINATE; FEC bulk filings & Senate LDA quarterly disclosures (lobbying coalition + contribution signals); U.S. Census Bureau ACS for district demographics; semantic similarity via OpenAI text-embedding-3-small through the PoliStack political knowledge graph; caucus rosters from official caucus websites.

Brief generated June 25, 2026. For corrections or follow-ups, contact PoliStack.